For government, sovereignty isn't a feature — it's the requirement.
Public bodies are moving off Microsoft and VMware to keep data and infrastructure under EU control. We build and run that sovereign estate — an EU-operated open stack, data under EU jurisdiction, security mapped to NIS2 — for the data citizens never chose to entrust to a foreign platform.
Public-sector digital sovereignty means keeping public data and the infrastructure that holds it under EU jurisdiction and public control — not merely stored in the EU, but operated by an EU entity and free of exposure to foreign legal compulsion. Many public bodies have concluded that residency commitments from providers controlled outside the EU are not enough, and are moving off Microsoft and VMware onto sovereign, open alternatives, with the Danish government and the German state of Schleswig-Holstein among the visible examples. Argus Root builds and runs that sovereign estate: an EU-operated open stack, the security mapped to NIS2 where it applies, and the data kept under your control rather than a vendor's.
In short
- Sovereignty is residency + control + jurisdiction — for public data all three matter, and a residency promise from a non-EU-controlled provider answers only the first.
- Public administration is a NIS2 sector, though NIS2 excludes defence, national security, public security, law enforcement, the judiciary, parliaments and central banks.
- Governments are moving off Microsoft for sovereignty — the Danish government and Schleswig-Holstein are visible examples.
- The VMware/Broadcom licensing cliff makes the same moment a chance to leave a proprietary US stack for an open one (Proxmox/KVM) — sovereignty and cost point the same way.
- An open-source, EU-operated stack usually costs the same or less in steady state, with sovereignty gained rather than paid for as a premium.
What does sovereignty actually mean for a public body?
Sovereignty is used loosely enough that it is worth being precise. It has three layers, and a public body needs all three. Residency is where the data physically sits; control is who operates the infrastructure and can make decisions about it; and jurisdiction is whose law governs it and who could compel access to it. A hyperscaler's commitment to store European data in European regions answers the residency question well, but if the operating entity is ultimately controlled outside the EU, the control and jurisdiction questions remain open — the data is in Europe, but not beyond the reach of foreign legal demands made on the parent company.
For a private company that distinction may be an acceptable risk. For a public body it usually is not, because the data it holds — citizens' records, public administration, services people are compelled to use — is precisely the data that ought to remain under public control and domestic law. That is the reasoning behind the visible moves away from non-EU platforms: not a rejection of the technology, but a judgement that residency alone does not deliver sovereignty, and that for public data the gap between the two matters. Closing it means changing not just where the data sits but who runs the infrastructure and under whose law.
Why are governments leaving Microsoft and VMware?
Two exits are happening at once, and they reinforce each other. The move off Microsoft is driven by sovereignty: bodies including the Danish government and the German state of Schleswig-Holstein have decided that public data should not depend on a platform controlled outside the EU, and are shifting toward sovereign and open alternatives. The move off VMware is driven by Broadcom's ending of perpetual licences and steep price rises, which hit budget-constrained public bodies hard — but leaving a proprietary, US-controlled virtualisation stack for an open one such as Proxmox or KVM serves the same sovereignty aim. For many public bodies the licensing cliff and the sovereignty case arrive together, which turns the renewal date into the natural moment to rebuild on foundations they control.
The reassuring part is that the destination is mature. Open-source virtualisation, sovereign collaboration platforms and the standard infrastructure layer are production-ready and already run workloads at national scale. The realistic path is a staged migration that proves each step before committing the next, with the small number of deeply embedded specialist applications given a transition plan rather than a forced overnight swap. We are candid about which workloads move easily and which need care, because a sovereignty programme that overpromises on day one is how public projects earn their reputation, and we would rather earn the opposite one.
Does NIS2 apply to public administration?
For much of the public sector, yes. NIS2 names public administration among its sectors, so many government bodies carry its cybersecurity risk-management and incident-reporting obligations alongside the sovereignty considerations. But the scope has deliberate edges that matter for government: NIS2 does not apply to activities in defence, national security, public security, law enforcement or the judiciary, and it excludes parliaments and central banks. Exactly how public administration is drawn into scope also varies between member states' national transpositions, so the precise obligation depends on which body it is and which country it sits in.
That nuance is worth getting right rather than asserting a blanket rule, and we treat the regulatory question and the sovereignty question as separate. NIS2 sets a security floor for the bodies it covers; sovereignty applies on its own merits, and often most strongly to the very bodies NIS2 leaves out, because data tied to national security or justice is exactly what should not rest under foreign control. The check below is the kind we run to establish a body's posture across both dimensions — where the data lives, who operates it, and whether it is exposed to foreign compulsion.
# where does public data live, who runs it, and who can compel access? $ check residency --estate gov-prod data: EU (DE/NL) · operator: EU entity · non-EU sub-processors: 0 $ check jurisdiction --foreign-compulsion exposure to non-EU legal demands: none $ check stack --proprietary-lock-in hypervisor: Proxmox/KVM (open) · mail: sovereign EU · lock-in: none sovereign · citizens' data stays under EU control # residency + control + jurisdiction — the public cannot opt out of any
What we run for the public sector.
We bring the sovereignty programme together as one estate rather than a set of disconnected projects. The foundation is EU-operated managed cloud and infrastructure where the control and the jurisdiction sit with you, not a foreign parent. The two exits run through our migration practices: off Microsoft through Microsoft 365 migration to sovereign mail and collaboration, and off VMware through virtualization and VMware exit onto an open Proxmox or KVM stack. The security is hardened and mapped to NIS2 where it applies through managed security, and operational continuity is engineered in through backup and disaster recovery.
Tying it together is the sovereignty argument itself, carried by our compliance and sovereignty practice, so the posture a public body can demonstrate to its oversight, its auditors and its citizens is a documented fact rather than a vendor's assurance. We work within procurement constraints and around the line-of-business and citizen-facing systems that must keep running, migrating in a staged sequence that proves each step. The result is a public estate built around one principle: the data the public is compelled to entrust to you stays under your control and EU law. Because the migration runs alongside live public services rather than in a lab, we sequence it so that citizen-facing systems never go dark for the sake of the move, and we keep the oversight bodies informed at each stage rather than presenting a finished fact.
Sovereign because the public cannot opt out.
The reason sovereignty is a harder requirement in the public sector than anywhere else is that the people whose data is at stake have no alternative. A customer unhappy with how a company handles their data can take their business elsewhere; a citizen cannot choose a different tax authority, health service or municipality. That removes the usual market check and replaces it with a duty: the body holding data people are compelled to provide owes them a higher standard of control over it, not a lower one. Sovereignty is how that duty is met in practice.
Meeting it means running the infrastructure as a fact rather than a label, which is what we do. We build on open foundations, operate the estate ourselves inside the EU with no resale layer and no default path to a foreign platform, and keep the data under EU jurisdiction and your control. It is the same principle behind everything Argus runs — a European operator that builds and runs the thing itself and tells you the truth about it — applied to the sector where the obligation to keep data sovereign is not a preference but a public trust. That is also why we would rather show a public body a staged plan with the hard parts named than a glossy promise that unravels at the first specialist application: in the public sector, the credibility of a sovereignty programme is itself part of the duty, and an honest migration that proves each step is worth more than a bold claim that cannot survive contact with a real estate.
Questions public-sector buyers ask.
What does digital sovereignty mean for a public body?
Does NIS2 apply to public administration?
Why are governments moving off Microsoft?
Why move off VMware as well?
Can a sovereign open-source stack really replace what we have?
How do you handle procurement and existing systems?
Does sovereignty cost more?
What about the systems NIS2 excludes, like defence or the judiciary?
Why run public-sector IT with an EU operator like Argus Root?
Build a public estate that stays under public control.
Tell us what you run and where your sovereignty and NIS2 obligations sit, and we will map a staged path off the proprietary platforms onto an EU-operated open stack, show you what moves easily and what needs a plan, and set out the security and resilience around it. You get a clear, honest picture of the sovereignty programme, before any commitment.